Heidi Anderson, a former provost at Texas A&M University – Kingsville, was yesterday announced as the new president of the University of Maryland Eastern Shore. She will replace former president Juliette Bell, who announced her resignation in February, beginning Sept. 1.
Former Maryland Governor Martin O’Malley was never a serious presidential candidate, but his prospects grew dimmer when police shootings around the country forced analysis of the ‘zero tolerance’ policing policies he introduced as Baltimore City mayor during his 2015 campaign.
Philanthropy is typically classified as the giving money without any expectation of involvement by the giver. Investment in a university, on the other hand, usually involves a gift presented with the expectation of a return on that investment, which doesn’t always have to be financial.
Morgan State University today revealed the results of an internal economic impact study, showing that the flagship historically black institution generates more than $990 million in for the state and more than $570 million for Baltimore City through its operations and research, wages and benefits, construction, and ancillary spending from campus stakeholders.
“Morgan has long understood the role it must play in Maryland’s future success,” said Morgan President David Wilson in a release. “The findings revealed in this report are enlightening and significant in their proof of Morgan’s importance to the continued growth of the State’s economy, and they further illustrate how investment in this University yields a measurable and impactful return.”
It is the second economic impact study to significantly outpace results produced by the United Negro College Fund’s 2017 national HBCU economic impact study, which depicted collective HBCU impact at $14 billion. That year, Central State University revealed its economic impact to be $147 million, compared to $97 million as estimated by UNCF based upon 2014 federal data.
Morgan State’s $990 million more than doubles UNCF estimates of $439 million for Northeast Baltimore’s anchor institution.
The Morgan State University School of Community Health and Policy Nursing Program’s Bachelor of Science (Nursing) degree has received its initial accreditation by the Commission on Collegiate Nursing Education (CCNE). The program’s Master of Science (Nursing) degree received its reaccreditation in 2017 from CCNE, and the Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.) degree is accredited by the Middle States Commission on Higher Education. All nursing degrees awarded from October 2017 and beyond will now be accredited.
A big part of how universities of all sizes and missions will survive over the next 20 years will be determined by how closely their degree programs align with stable and emerging industries. Data USA compiles statistics from federal education and census resources into a visual analytics blender to create a literal picture of what this alignment looks like for schools, cities, and states.
Here’s the industrial outlook of the United States.
And here’s a view of the jobs most commonly held by graduates from the largest HBCUs with a total enrollment of 5,000 or more students, broken down by each institution’s top five most popular degree programs.
ALABAMA STATE UNIVERSITY
ALABAMA A&M UNIVERSITY
FLORIDA A&M UNIVERSITY
BOWIE STATE UNIVERSITY
MORGAN STATE UNIVERSITY
JACKSON STATE UNIVERSITY
FAYETTEVILLE STATE UNIVERSITY
NORTH CAROLINA A&T STATE UNIVERSITY
NORTH CAROLINA CENTRAL UNIVERSITY
WINSTON-SALEM STATE UNIVERSITY
TENNESSEE STATE UNIVERSITY
PRAIRIE VIEW A&M UNIVERSITY
TEXAS SOUTHERN UNIVERSITY
NORFOLK STATE UNIVERSITY
The majority of HBCU students are earning degrees which fall within the nation’s largest industrial sector of health and human services. Popular majors of education, social work, psychology, communications, biology, and engineering lead to jobs in teaching, mid-level management, mental or physical health sciences.
But this list is largely comprised of public institutions with broader admission pathways. How does it shape out for graduates of more selective HBCUs? Here are the job reports on the HBCUs with acceptance rates below 40%.
FLORIDA A&M UNIVERSITY
FLORIDA MEMORIAL UNIVERSITY
FORT VALLEY STATE UNIVERSITY
PAUL QUINN COLLEGE
SOUTHERN UNIVERSITY AT NEW ORLEANS
UNIVERSITY OF MARYLAND EASTERN SHORE
Trends from this list show that degrees lead to more specialized careers in high-earning industries of law, healthcare and financial services. Even schools which have drawn negative attention for low-enrollment show that a preponderance of their graduates, according to census tracking, are working in fields that nationwide offer a high-probability of landing a job and forging a career.
HBCUs are doing a solid job of offering and awarding degrees in areas that are essential to the stability of the nation’s economy, even in regions and on campuses where such success
We get it right when it comes to so many other areas of institutional injustice. When black folks get shot and killed by police, we talk about body cameras, engagement tactics and metrics of accountability. When black folks are mistreated by an employee of a store or business, we boycott the business at large.
But too many of us seem to think that the campaign against black college students’ right to higher education starts and ends at predominantly white campuses. Media too often shows campus-based racism as a thing of Black students being harassed, maligned, misunderstood, intimidated and rejected by white students and faculty is what defines our understanding of racism on campus. Those things are real, and all black folks should be advocates against mistreatment of our students inside and outside of any college campus, everywhere across this country.
But for a change of pace, it would be nice if the same way black folks in and around PWIs look to the rest of us to unite against the enemies of their personal freedom, we could depend on them to support our fight against the same assault against our institutions themselves. Of all the elements which make the HBCU v. PWI debate so complex, its the uneven approach to campus-based racism which divides us most, because family on the PWI side of the argument don’t seem to get that a predominantly black campus is as much, if not more of, a target for white racism than is a predominantly white campus with a few thousand black folks on it.
We can see this phenomenon in action with the debut of the ‘Black On Campus’ storytelling initiative, designed through a partnership between Wake Forest University and The Nation Magazine to help black students share the pain and power of surviving racism on predominantly white campuses.
But it only tells half of the story.
To be clear, black folks aren’t racing to see which of our college-based subgroups endures more pain or is built toughest to withstand the burn of ever-present oppression. We feel for every single person at the University of Virginia, UCLA, the University of Alabama, the University of Michigan, Harvard University, the University of Maryland, the University of Missouri, and every other campus where a black person has been subject to even a single instance of racism, racial bias or discrimination.
But unlike the family on those campuses, the stories of institutional racism against black students and HBCUs have gone largely unheralded for decades, without the benefit of liberal media outlets looking to expand coverage of their struggles.
For every black student barred from joining a white sorority or for every racist rant from a white student at the University of Alabama, there are dozens of stories about Alabama elected officials disrupting Alabama A&M University and Alabama State University with exaggerated audits and empty charges of administrative wrongdoing.
White students at UA can be as racist as they want and it would never cause the same threat of enrollment decline, drops in philanthropic support and accreditation issues as the acts against committed Alabama HBCUs from elected officials. And those negative impacts can change the course of institutions, communities, and prospects for thousands of black students.
A black student government official at Clemson University called efforts to impeach him last year a ‘social lynching.’ Clemson has never faced public declaration from elected officials that the school should be closed, as they did with South Carolina State University in 2015.
Black employees at the University of Maryland-College Park sued the school for racial discrimination that limited their ability to serve effectively as workers and resulted in unequal treatment. Combined they were seeking $3 million in damages.
Alumni from Maryland’s four historically black institutions sued the State of Maryland for decades of inequality in program duplication which resulted in decreased enrollment, underfunding, and underdeveloped campus communities. They won and are in mediation for an agreement which could result in $600-800 million worth of costs to make the campuses comparable and competitive.
When white people or systems go after black students, it causes a nation to rise up and to call for justice. When white people or systems go after black institutions, we hardly take notice. Black students and institutions deserve better from us – in advocacy and acknowledgment.
The Grio offers a compelling story of a high school student’s brush with prom night disaster from a last-minute cancellation by a make-up artist, and how a campus apartment in the Thurgood Marshall Complex turned into a full-salon to help a sister make it to the dance on time.
Last month, Oakwood University made a private beef with its national alumni association public, publishing in the Adventist Review a lengthy treatment on how the Oakwood University Alumni Association has lost its 501(c)3 nonprofit designation, and that due to an inability to negotiate terms of partnership with the group, that graduates should not donate money to the organization.
OUAA’s decisions to ignore the Board of Trustees’ counsel has placed the University in a difficult position. OUAA through its website continues to solicit funds without regard to the institution’s wishes/instructions and during a time in which their tax-exempt status has been revoked. The University had hoped to avoid commenting on this situation until after Alumni Weekend but has decided that the current circumstances warrant this statement and other appropriate actions.
OAKWOOD UNIVERSITY has determined that, for as long as OUAA’s tax-exempt status remains revoked, it cannot have OAKWOOD UNIVERSITY’s permission to raise funds in the University’s name, and OAKWOOD UNIVERSITY cannot accept funds raised by OUAA after February 12, 2018, including funds raised during Alumni Weekend, unless such fundraising conforms to the receipting request made by the University.
This week, news is breaking among Morehouse College graduates about alleged improprieties in its elections for national alumni association officers. Concerns over balloting methods, potential bias for candidates and eligibility of voters in regions versus national vote counts are among the issues the Morehouse Men are debating, and quietly for now.
These are just the recent issues to surface about HBCU alumni shenanigans, which like most problems, aren’t exclusive to black folks or black institutions. Regents at the University of Minnesota are fighting each other for, among other things, the way members are selected to the board. But like most HBCU problems, they are exacerbated by the proximity of big egos to small resources and even smaller margins of error when one influential graduate or donor can get pissed and cost an institution hundreds of thousands of dollars for years.
Tuskegee alumni have tried for years to get presidents removed and trustees removed from the university’s board of trustees.
Florida A&M University alumni have lobbied against presidents, athletic directors, trustees and everybody who has or could get between them, their money, or their influence over the university. Jackson State alumni hacked their own presidential search.
These kinds of stories are all over the HBCU community. And in many ways, our schools are far better off with alumni fighting administrators than not caring what about what is happening to a school, like Elizabeth City State or Morgan State. If alumni are engaged, there is a sense that mutual goals could lead to a campus finding a great president, recruiting students and growing its profile for financial gain.
But it’s when alumni are jockeying for opportunity to secure a place on the governing board, or to curry perks in travel and exposure, or to leverage alumni following as a bargaining chip to get family members jobs, or to secure contracts, or to do other things which can really harm an institution; because when people who don’t know anything about the business of higher education have their hands all in it, it’s when things can really get jacked up – for years.
The lesson here is not convincing alumni against being at odds with campus leaders; discontent from stakeholders can be a healthy element of campus governance. But there are two considerations every graduate who has something to say about administration should ask themselves before pen hits paper, fingers hit Twitter or petitions get sent.
Is what I’m looking for best for me or best for the institution? And if it is truly best for the institution, how do I know with all certainty that this is in fact what the university needs now considering that I’m not on campus, not in meetings, not privy to budgets and not privy to the internal politics?